For decades, India’s economic story has been told through the lens of scale: a billion-plus population, a fast-growing middle class, a market too large for global companies to ignore even when returns were modest. A recent report projecting that India will overtake China by 2036 in the number of consumers spending more than $90 a […]
Few constitutional promises have remained as persistently unfulfilled, or as politically charged, as Article 44’s directive towards a Uniform Civil Code. Conceived by the framers as an aspiration rather than an obligation, it has resurfaced in recent years as an active legislative project, with Uttarakhand implementing its own version and other states signalling intent to
India routinely tops the list of the world’s fastest-growing major economies, and successive quarters of healthy GDP growth are cited as proof that the country is on the right track. Yet a persistent unease runs beneath these headline numbers: growth is not translating into jobs at the pace or quality that a young, aspirational population
India’s federal architecture was designed as a delicate balancing act. The Constitution’s framers, wary of both the chaos of excessive decentralisation and the dangers of over-centralisation witnessed during Partition, chose a model that leans towards the Centre while still granting states meaningful autonomy. For decades, this balance was tested but rarely broken, sustained by single-party
August 23, 2026 The Panama-flagged bulk carrier MV Ocean-Winner left Paradip Port on the night of August 20, carrying roughly 72,100 tonnes of iron ore fines toward Singapore. By the afternoon of August 22, the Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre had lost contact with it entirely. The ship had gone down some 230 to 240 nautical
August 23, 2026 On August 20, a Supreme Court bench led by Chief Justice Surya Kant, alongside Justices Joymalya Bagchi and V. Mohana, took up petitions challenging CBSE’s decision to make three languages compulsory for Classes 6 to 9 from the 2026-27 academic year, with at least two required to be Indian languages. The Court’s
August 23, 2026 On August 21, hundreds of demonstrators gathered at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar under the banner of the Reservation Hatao Andolan, demanding changes to India’s reservation system and opposing new UGC equity regulations. By evening, police had cleared the site and detained more than fifty protesters. Within a day, the movement had fractured in
August 22, 2026 On August 3, Jan Suraaj founder Prashant Kishor won the Bankipur assembly bypoll by a margin of 19,324 votes, taking a Patna seat the BJP had held continuously since 1995. The constituency had effectively belonged to one family for three decades: first Navin Kishore Prasad Sinha, then his son Nitin Nabin, who
August 22, 2026 India’s economy is currently running two experiments at once. On one side, GST 2.0 has simplified the tax structure to mainly two slabs, 5 percent and 18 percent, alongside earlier income tax relief, putting an estimated 5.3 lakh crore rupees, or roughly 1.6 percent of GDP, back into the hands of consumers.
August 22, 2026 Since late July, the Supreme Court of India has been doing something unusual even by its own standards: legislating in real time, hearing by hearing, on how the Indian state should respond when tens of thousands of young people take to the streets at once. The trigger was the July 20 ‘Sansad
