What’s in a Name: Arunachal’s Renaming Push as a Legitimate Assertion of Sovereignty

On August 7, the Survey of India formally recorded 27 locations and geographical features across Arunachal Pradesh on official maps under their standard Indian names, acting on an order from the Ministry of Home Affairs in consultation with the state government. Among them: the strategic Thag La Pass and Long Ju along the Line of Actual Control. On its face, this looks like a bureaucratic cartographic update. In substance, it is India’s most direct answer yet to a decade-long Chinese campaign to manufacture a territorial claim through the simple, patient act of renaming.

China’s campaign has been remarkably consistent in its method, if nothing else. Since April 2017, Beijing’s Ministry of Civil Affairs has issued five successive batches of “standardised” Mandarin and Tibetan names for Arunachal locations — six places in 2017, fifteen in 2021, eleven in 2023, thirty in 2024, and a further batch of 27 in April 2026, the largest single tranche yet. China refers to the entire state as “Zangnan,” or southern Tibet, and frames each renaming exercise as routine administrative standardisation within what it considers its own sovereign territory. India’s response, through External Affairs Ministry spokespeople across multiple governments and administrations, has been just as consistent: Arunachal Pradesh “was, is, and will always be” an integral and inalienable part of India, and assigning invented names changes nothing about that reality. As External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar put it memorably in 2024, “If I change the name of your house, will it become mine?”

That line captures something true, but it also exposes why words alone were never going to be sufficient. Cartographic claims, however fictional, accumulate their own kind of weight over time — repeated often enough, printed on enough maps, cited in enough diplomatic contexts, they start to function as a manufactured historical record, regardless of their original validity. Verbal rejection, however forceful, does not by itself counter that accumulation; it only registers objection to it. India’s August 7 decision to formally name 27 of its own locations is the first sustained instance of meeting China’s cartographic assertion with a cartographic assertion of India’s own — not merely saying the territory is Indian, but recording it as such through the same durable, official channel China has been exploiting for years.

This is not escalation; it is overdue parity. India is not renaming anything — it is formalising names that reflect the region’s existing Indian administration, its state government, its representation in Parliament, and the lived reality of its residents. China’s renaming exercise invents Mandarin and Tibetan names for places that have never been under Chinese administration. The asymmetry in legitimacy between these two acts could not be starker, even though the international information space too often treats them as equivalent competing claims.

India’s border diplomacy with China has, in recent years, shown signs of cautious thaw on several fronts. Arunachal Pradesh has pointedly not been part of that thaw, and this latest step confirms why: on questions of sovereignty over its own territory, India has no room for ambiguity, and should continue answering every cartographic provocation with the same firm, documented clarity it showed on August 7.

— DA Editorial Desk (Dhruba Deka)

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